Alliances forged during elections often unravel within months of the results being declared. Parties routinely downplay such arrangements, describing them as mere “seat-sharing” exercises. This pattern has largely held true in Tamil Nadu as well.
An exception, however, has been the DMK-led Secular Progressive Alliance under Chief Minister M.K. Stalin, which has held together for nearly nine years. Its durability stems in large part from a shared anti-Hindutva ideological alignment among its constituents. Yet, this cohesion has not come without a cost. The ongoing seat-sharing negotiations for the April 23 Assembly elections have exposed underlying tensions, particularly among the alliance’s smaller partners, who view the allocations as increasingly restrictive.
Also Read: Assembly Elections LIVE updates on March 22, 2026
Of flexibility & firmness
In the case of its principal ally, the Congress, the DMK leadership had shown flexibility, conceding three additional seats and even a Rajya Sabha berth. This accommodation came despite publicly critical remarks by individuals close to Congress leader Rahul Gandhi. The Congress also exploited the option of aligning with actor C. Joseph Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam to assert itself in negotiations. This was notwithstanding Mr. Stalin’s early and unequivocal endorsement of Mr. Gandhi as the Prime Ministerial candidate in 2019 and the latter hailing him as “my elder brother”. In fact, Mr. Gandhi had gone off the radar, when the friction was unfolding.
By contrast, the DMK has adopted a firmer approach with its other allies, even reducing their seat allocations. The CPI, the CPI (M), the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK), and the MDMK had aligned with the DMK in 2017 after their People’s Welfare Front, floated as an alternative force, failed to gain electoral traction. They found common ground in opposing the BJP’s attempts to expand its footprint in Tamil Nadu, exploiting fissures in the AIADMK following Chief Minister Jayalalithaa’s death in 2016.
These parties, along with smaller outfits such as the Manithaneya Makkal Katchi and Tamilaga Vazhvurimai Katchi, played a significant role in shaping an anti-Narendra Modi political narrative in the State by mobilising protests against various central policies and projects. Mr. Stalin successfully built on this platform to channelise, anchor and capitalise on the political sentiment, benefiting the alliance as a whole in successive elections since 2019.
In the previous Assembly election, the CPI, the CPI-M, the VCK and the MDMK had settled for six seats each, even if they felt the number did not reflect their political weight. They justified the compromise as necessary “to keep the BJP at bay”. This time, however, expectations were higher. Having remained loyal to the alliance, these parties anticipated a more favourable arrangement.
Instead, they have been offered fewer seats, with the DMK citing the need to accommodate new entrants. The CPI has been allotted five seats, the MDMK four (with three to be contested under the DMK’s symbol), and the IUML two—down from three previously.
The Tamilaga Vazhvurimai Katchi leader T. Velmurugan on Sunday exited the alliance, dissatisfied with its allocation of just one seat.
Lack of feasible alternatives
For many of these long-standing partners, the current exercise has proven politically constraining. Deprived of feasible alternatives and growth opportunities, they are compelled to accept terms set by the dominant partner. Questions have been raised, privately, about the DMK’s decision to accommodate the late Vijayakant’s DMDK by offering it a Rajya Sabha seat and an undisclosed number of Assembly seats. This is seen by allies as disproportionate to the DMDK’s diminished vote share of below half-a-percent.
Mr. Stalin’s decision to yield to the DMDK’s demands was reportedly influenced by second-line leaders who see some voter-transfer value in the party, particularly in the southern districts. However, allies remain puzzled as to why a party that has shifted alliance positions with ease is being extended a privilege not afforded to more ideologically consistent partners.
The DMK’s broader objective is clear: to contest a sufficiently large number of seats, 165 to 175, to secure a majority on its own and avoid post-election dependence on allies. This goal inevitably limits the space available for smaller partners.
The VCK, which has consistently articulated the concerns of Scheduled Castes and has been at the forefront of organising conferences against far-right positions, had sought eight to 10 seats in line with its recent growth in northern Tamil Nadu. The DMK, initially believed to be open to allocating eight seats, scaled it down to seven. In a video message on Saturday, party leader Thol Thirumavalavan urged cadre to be prepared to accept the offer, emphasising the party’s decisions are guided by long-term credibility, not short-term electoral gains. Reflecting the constraints before the party, he said, “No matter how widely we work or how many issues we take up, there remains a social stigma in accepting us. We must gradually dismantle that and establish ourselves as a movement for all sections.”
The CPI(M), too, has found the reduced allocation difficult to accept. It held an extended meeting of its State secretariat on Saturday, attended by general secretary M.A. Baby. The party entered discussions on Sunday with a mandate to seek at least the six seats it had contested last time. However, Mr. Stalin remained firm on placing it on a par with the CPI. For now, State secretary M. Shanmugam has said the offer would be discussed further within the party.
These allies have previously faced criticism of being overly aligned with the DMK. Yet, they demonstrated their relevance by pushing the Stalin government to revisit the Factories (Tamil Nadu Amendment) Act, 2023, and by playing a role in resolving the Samsung workers’ strike.
As the election approaches, the alliance leadership is likely to project unity and rally behind a common political narrative. However, the discontent at the cadre level may prove more difficult to manage.
Published – March 22, 2026 06:05 pm IST
