If the results of the local body elections held a few months ago are any indication, a subtle but significant shift in minority votes, particularly among Muslims in Malabar, appears to favour the United Democratic Front (UDF) in the April 9 Kerala Assembly elections. While election observers do not anticipate a sweeping mandate, the political mindset of the Muslim community shows a perceptible drift away from the Left Democratic Front (LDF).
The CPI(M), which leads the LDF, has carefully directed its attacks at the Jamaat-e-Islami while avoiding mention of the Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI). Yet, a vast majority of the Muslim community remains outside the central political narratives, leaving many voices politically unrepresented.
The Jamaat-e-Islami’s political wing, the Welfare Party of India (WPI), and the banned Popular Front of India’s (PFI) political arm, the SDPI, represent a small but vocal segment of the community. The larger, unvoiced sections, however, remain politically dispersed.
The Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) continues to command significant support, but other parties, including the Congress, CPI(M) and even the BJP (albeit nominally), also claim some Muslim representation. Notably, the BJP has fielded no Muslim candidates this election.
Organisationally, traditional Muslims are mainly aligned with two rival wings of the Samastha Kerala Jamiyyathul Ulama led by Syed Jifri Muthukoya Thangal and Kanthapuram A.P. Aboobacker Musliar. A smaller third Samastha faction led by Najeeb Moulavi also exists but wields minimal influence.
Reformist Muslims are represented primarily by three or four Mujahid groups and the Jamaat-e-Islami. Historically, the Samastha and Mujahid factions leaned towards the IUML and the UDF, while the Kanthapuram faction and Jamaat-e-Islami largely supported the Left. Today, the dynamics have shifted.
The Jamaat-e-Islami has openly pledged support to the UDF in most constituencies, prompting sharp communal allegations from the CPI(M). The Kanthapuram Sunni faction remains non-committal and is unlikely to vote en masse for the UDF.
As K.P. Jamal, the group’sspokesperson in Malabar, explained: “Our priority is not politics. It is faith.” Within the Kanthapuram group, supporters of the IUML, Congress and the CPI(M) coexist, often prioritising organisational interests over electoral alignment.
The CPI(M) has attempted to exploit internal rifts within the Samastha under Mr. Jifri Thangal regarding the IUML’s dominance and the role of its leader Syed Sadikali Shihab Thangal of Panakkad. Even overtures from Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan failed to sway the faction. The Samastha largely remains aligned with the IUML despite some dissenting voices.
Targeting the Jamaat-e-Islami, the CPI(M) has sought to brand the group as communal and extremist, despite it representing less than 4% of the Muslim population. While this attack has limited impact within the Muslim community, it signals a strategic message to other voter segments.A senior Jamaat-e-Islami leader remarked, “That is exactly why the CPI(M) is targeting us.”
No other Muslim organisation has taken as decisive a political stand as the Jamaat-e-Islami. Razak Paleri, State president of the WPI, explained their rationale: “We are voting against the LDF because a third-term LDF government could create more favourable conditions for the BJP and the Sangh Parivar. We don’t want that to happen, which is why we support the UDF.”
While the SDPI shares the goal of checking the BJP’s rise, its approach differs. “Our priority is the growth of our organisation,” said SDPI State president C.P.A. Latheef, outlining the party’s stance. With 36 candidates across the State, the SDPI’s presence is unlikely to significantly sway the election outcome.
The SDPI said that its support could be decisive in a dozen-odd constituencies, positioning the party as a potential bargaining force. This explains why it publicly opposed Leader of the Opposition V.D. Satheesan’s remark that the UDF does not need SDPI votes. This also explains why the CPI(M) remains silent on the SDPI.
A broader segment of Muslim voters, without formal political affiliation, appears disenchanted with the CPI(M), primarily over the party’s muted response when SNDP Yogam general secretary Vellappally Natesan made controversial remarks against Muslims. By defending Mr. Natesan instead of condemning his statements, the CPI(M) risked alienating these voters: a dominant factor that could decisively swing the community against the LDF.
Published – April 01, 2026 08:54 pm IST
